Despite Africa’s rainy equatorial zone, long rivers, great lakes and vast shores, water is becoming an increasingly scarce commodity. Convincing policy responses are required in order to alleviate growing pressure on water resources that could eventually lead to domestic unrest, exacerbate existing inter-state tensions and even constitute a source of armed conflict.
The diversity of the African continent and its states, the distinct privileged historical links that exist between some Member States and their former colonies, and the corresponding cultural and linguistic affinities, all represent an extraordinary potential for cooperation, including in the barely developed area of peace and security. The EU would do well to pay attention to successful African examples of development, stability and democratisation as a source of guidance for its own future actions.
Serious doubts remain however about the ability of the EU to positively influence the situation in the African continent. Some countries reject the EU’s new trade policy conditions as set out in the economic partnership agreements, which they consider to be detrimental to their own interests. At the same time, whole regions, from Sahel to the Great Lakes and Somalia, are still plagued by violent and bloody conflicts.
Traditional European development aid may play a role, but it is currently not sufficient to suppress local, regional and multilateral dynamics that jeopardise the stability, welfare and development of entire communities. Addressing these challenges provided the rationale behind recent military and civilian operations undertaken by Europe, and the EU’s support to the African peace and security architecture.
These efforts should constantly strive towards more coherence to effectively implement the Africa-EU partnership. The EUISS, in the framework of the Observatoire de l’Afrique, works to implement the Africa-EU partnership on peace and security by conducting dialogue between think tanks and policy makers from both continents. The Institute actively contributes to this process by monitoring developments on the ground in Africa to highlight the ‘added value’ of the EU. The Institute also seeks to establish partnerships and coordinate with African decision-makers and actors of change as well as with other powers outside Africa, namely the United States, China, India, Russia and Brazil, to identify the areas where multilateralism can be more effectively applied in Africa.
This policy brief looks at the prospects for the proposed EU training mission in Mali and examines what lessons might be learned from the EU’s previous contribution to international peacekeeping efforts in Somalia as well as the exent to which the fragile security situation in Northern Mali has the potential to become another Afghanistan.
Over the last decade, researchers and policy-makers have paid increasing attention to diasporas. This Occasional Paper explores the untapped potential of African diaspora communities in promoting peace in their homelands and assesses how the European Union can engage with these non-state actors in the field of peace and security.
L’interrogation à laquelle tente de répondre la présente étude est de savoir si l’investissement de l’UE dans la CEEAC en tant qu’acteur de sécurité collective en Afrique centrale se justifie. Le constat, il faut le regretter, n’est pas encourageant. Intervenant sur un milieu il est vrai peu porteur, l’UE ne s’est pas donné les moyens des fins affichées.
Following the elections in the DRC, it is likely that a small circle of ruling elites will tighten their grip on the state. Space for political opposition and civil society will shrink. To prevent this, the trust of the Congolese people in the political process must, at least partly, be restored.